中國教會史：「戴德生和李提摩太的宣教路線」

有說：我是屬保羅的；有說：我是屬亞波羅的；這豈不是你們和世人一樣嗎？ 亞波羅算什麼？保羅算什麼？無非是執事，照著所賜給它們個人的引導你們相信。 我栽種了，亞波羅澆灌了，惟有神轎他生長。可見栽種的算不得什麼，澆灌的也算不得什麼；只在那叫他生長的神。 栽種的和澆灌的，都是一樣；但將來個人要照自己的工夫得自己的賞賜。 因為我們是與神同工的，你們是神所耕種的田地，所建造的房屋。  （哥林多前書3:4-9） 

 引言 

每個傳道人都有自己不同的使命，不同的責任，不同的呼召。我們應該按照神所呼召我們的去行，不該分門別類，不該互相批評。保羅在以上經文當中，勸勉我們不要說自己屬這個，或屬那個的。最重要的是我們清楚知道神在我們身上的呼召是什麼，神給我們的使命是什麼？神給我們的恩慈有是什麼？我們在神面前要做一個忠心，又良善的好管家，把神給我們的使命和呼召做成。因為，我們每個人都是神所耕種的田地，我們都是神所建造的房屋，也是神的工作。神是主人，我們是僕人。成為僕人的應該按主人所吩咐的，把手上的工作完成。在神的工作裡頭，看到每個人都有不同的呼召。所以我們應該按著自己的本份，而且彼此互相合作，彼此相輔相成，彼此尊重。

 1 . 戴德生 

James Hudson Taylor (1832-1905)

一，戴德生和李提摩太：宣教路線的比較 

首先，我們先談戴德生的神學觀念。他的思想比較偏向於保守的基要主義(Fundamentailism)。他在自己的書中提到自己相信末世以後，或人死後只有兩種結局，不是在地獄的火中永遠的被燒，就是在天堂的祝福中永遠的喜樂。這神學觀點對他在往後宣教旅途與策略上帶來很大的影響。當初，他看到中國人口有四億人，每一天估計有三萬三千人面臨死亡。他說；如果在這些排成隊的人前走過的話，要做多久才會走完？按這樣算，每個月就有約一百萬還未相信著的人會要地獄，一年算下來將近一千兩百萬的人就因沒聽過福音，就永遠地進入地獄的火湖裡面。當他心裡想到這些事情的時候，他就覺得一定要搶救靈魂，一定要直接去佈道，他說我們不應該再浪費時間在那些次要的事情上，應該直接地告訴他們，“你要信主，否則的話就要永遠受地獄的火。戴德生這種末世的觀念以及對死後的看法，使得他在決定他的傳教的策略上，把時間看得很重要。所謂，與時間競爭，時不我與，這是一個很重要的因素。 另外，戴德生對禱告與信心的觀點也有特殊的想法。他認為差會是因為禱告而產生的，而也靠禱告來增長。所以應該單單接著禱告將所有的需要告訴神，求神接著人來行事。他要堅心地依靠神，不要仰賴個人，也不要仰賴政府。他這種對禱告跟信心的神學觀點，也是成為他後來在決志宣教政策的時候，一個很重要的因素。因為他相信接著禱告，神能夠感動人來行事，所以他就覺得不應該開口向人，告訴人家他們在經費上的需要。同時，他也覺得依靠神，不依靠人，不要靠條約保護，也不要靠政府來保護。

 二，戴德生的事工的原理（Philosophy of Ministry）

 戴德生在事工的原理上有自己獨特的想法。 

（1）宣教士不一定要高學歷 
當時，大家都認為派遣宣教士到中國必須要很有學問，如學者一般，以及受過正規神學院士的訓練。但是，戴德生認為不需要如此，只要有愛靈魂的心，願意獻上，就應該趕緊參加宣教，搶救靈魂。他認為等到一個人神學院畢業後，所不定有百萬人死亡了。 

（2）傳教士一律沒有固定薪資，應當仰賴神供應 
戴德生認為傳教與一般的公司不一樣，不應該有固定薪資。神供應多少，就生活多少。神的供應如果多，就生活有餘，若神的供應不多，那麼就國一個最簡單清貧的生活。當時，他們使用所謂的Pool System，指的是先把所有奉獻歸入一起，然後再平均分配出去。例如，一共收到一千英鎊的奉獻，分給一千位宣教士，那麼每人就分到一英鎊。收入歸公，再做分配，同工同酬。不會說一位有講到的恩慈，所以分的比較多之類的不平等對待。另外，他們也按著個人的需要分配金錢，而不是按照學歷，個人能力來定薪金。

 （3）不對外公開募款，不貸款 

（4）中國事工有我（戴德生）本人，或續任的會長，以及在中國工場的領袖們來主持。 並是不是在英國的理事會來主持，全部都有當地參與事工的負責人來擔當。
這一方面與其他差會很不一樣。其他差會譬如總部在美國或英國，那麼他們根據報告來決定宣教的政策。戴德生認為我們人在中國，長期在中國生活，所以最了解中國的需要。所以遠在英國的董事會的責任不在於中國當地的宣教策略，而是專注在募款，徵召宣教士以及考核宣教士。總會把宣教士差派來中國之後，所有分配和策略的責任都轉移到當地中國的領袖們身上。當時內地會的總部設在中國內地。

 （5）只專注在能夠傳福音為的事工上 
戴德生認為如果我們辦學校，或參與社會活動，卻不能領人來信福音的話，我們就不應該做這些事。他認為直接佈道，直接傳福音才是最重要的。所以他說最首要的事情事傳揚福音，使人得救。其實，內地會之後也辦學校，但是只有小學，不辦大學。因為他們認為可以透過辦小學，讓孩子們能夠認識聖經，這是首要的目的。戴德生認為辦學校不是為了培養中國的大學生人才，因為大學生人才應該由政府去培養。他們主要的目的是為了孩子們能夠明白聖經，認識耶穌。 

（6）信徒應該重質不重量 
傳教士應該在民間深入地去耕耘。這裡提到的耕耘有兩種，有粗耕和深耕的做法。戴德生認為宣教士就應該按深耕的方式去對待每一個信徒。讓每一信徒都是實實在在可以結實。他認為宣教士應該在平民大眾當中做深耕的工作。 內地會從1865年成立，直到1905年之間的四十年，歸主的信徒人數大概只有22,000人。這人數說起來不多。一直到1949年，歸主的信徒其實也只不過是80,000人。這將近一百年的時間，內地會在中國只有8萬歸主的人。但是，這八萬信徒都是扎扎實實的。如何得知呢？1949年之後，政權改變，基督徒開始收迫害的時候，這八萬信徒仍然可以站立得住。甚至直到文化大革命以後，當那些原來西方的宣教士回到中國，就是那些在1950年-1951年撤出中國的宣教士們再度回到中國時，那些信徒雖然經過文化大革命的種種考驗，但是他們仍然在信仰上站立得非常結實。這表示說，他們是經得起風吹雨打的信徒。因為我們看到如果把根基扎得牢，扎得穩，數目雖然不多，但是每個都是實實在在的。

 （7）宣教一定要尊重中國文化，認同中國人民的感受 
當時，宣教士的衣服食宿都跟當地的人相同。剛開始，宣教士們或許先到上海，廣州，福州，廈門等通商口岸，之後他們開始適應了生活以後，戴德生就要求內地會的宣教士都穿上中國人的服裝，吃中國人的事物，住在中國人住的區域。這是內地會一個很重要的一個特點，就是要認同當地文化，接受當地生活。這就是所謂的道成肉身的精神。就如早期利瑪竇的宣教策略一樣，接受當地文化和生活習慣。只不過利瑪竇當時的傳教對象是王公貴族，所以利瑪竇是住在貴族之中，生活也如王公貴族相似。

 （8）訓練中國同工，交棒給中國教會 
當他們建立工作之後，他們就訓練當地的領袖，之後他們就會看到實際成熟後就把整個事工交給當地人。現在我們看到台灣和香港還是使用同樣的原則。比如說，剛開始成立了學生事工後，他們就會把整個領導權，甚至所有的財產全部交給當地的中國人。 

三，戴德生的政教關係 

戴德生主張政教分離的原則。他主張傳教士無論在任何情況下都不應該向本國政府上述。如果遇到威脅，可以向當地的政府報告。如果遇到威脅，或困難，可以讓當地政府來處理。但是如果政府不處理，納悶宣教士就要準備忍受苦難，甚至殉道。這是當時內地會所主張的原則。所以在義和團事變的時候，當地官員都不願意處理，因為他們都支持義和團。那個時候，宣教士沒有地方可以依靠，所以很多宣教士就被殺害。在很多的教案之中也可以看到很多這樣的情形。 在政教關係上，內地會基本上主張不靠本國政府，不靠英國或美國的政府來幫助他們處理跟當地民眾的問題。這些都是出於他們的神學思想，他們的背景。因此，戴德生在內地會才會採取這樣的宣教原則。

 2. 李提摩太

Richard Timothy (1845-1919)

一，李提摩太的神學觀點 

按著今天來看李提摩太的神學觀點，可以說他比較傾向於自由的普救論。普救論就認為 “萬法一理，萬善同歸”，意思是說在所有的宗教裡面，在所有的道理當中都可以有人因此而得救。普救論，若按照英語名詞“Universalism”來說，就有不同的解釋。當中就有三種解釋，一個是按照聖經說的“上帝不願一人沈淪，但願人人得救。“另外兩種的解釋就認為其他宗教裡面，其他信仰裡面也有一些人可以得救。它不是強調基督教的獨特性，不強調極度的特別之處，認為不要排它，應該尊重其他宗教之說。當時我們看到李提摩太的神學觀點並不是那麼清楚，但是今天我們回頭看的話就會發覺李提摩太的觀點比較傾向於普救論（Universalism）這一說。 

另外，李提摩太對神國的觀念是什麼？他相信神的國不只是建在人心裡面，也建在世界上一切的機構裡面，為要使人現在和將來能夠得到就嗯，所以包括身體跟靈魂。神國在世界上的機構就包括政府，社會福利機構裡面。所以他認為宣教士的工作也應該包括社會救濟，包括辦學校，包括辦醫院。所以傳教士要積極協力社會改革，讓神的國可以在地上實現。這種觀念在現今很容易就可以被分辨出來，但是在當時卻是新的一個觀點。因此，當時宣教士們就透過各種各樣的方法－辦學校，醫院，孤兒院，育嬰堂，社會救濟的工作來進入宣教的工場。因為當地人但是還沒按到這些工作的重要性，政府那時候也比較少做這些工作。當時，李提摩太就主張說應該要致力社會改革。因為從他的觀點裡面來看，他在神學裡面比較傾向普救論的觀點。

 二，李提摩太的事工原理 

李提摩太也有自己的一套原理。特別提到宣教士的條件上與戴德生有些不同。

（1）宣教士應該要有優良的學術水平，而且精通中國文化 
在這一點，李提摩太的觀念與當初利瑪竇的觀念一樣，認為宣教士就要精通中國文化。他甚至曾經向英國的一些宣教總會建議，在華宣教士每一年都要考試，測試中文程度，以及對中國文化的了解程度。目前的內地會在中國卻是有這麼一套，先要有一段學習中文的時間，然後才出去傳教。另外，他們還有所謂的在職考試，測定他們的中文程度。

 （2）傳福音要注重精英人才 
李提摩太提到馬太福音10:5-42，那時候耶穌差派門徒兩個兩個出去時，主耶穌對門徒說你們出去到各城各鄉，到一些地方，看到誰是“好人”，就住在他家。中文翻譯成”好人“，英文有一版本翻譯成“Worthy Person”，就是指那些在社會上有影響力的人，所以李提摩太說耶穌都吩咐要找那些好人，在社會上有影響力的人。英愛接著影響這些精英來影響中國的民眾。簡單來說，李提摩太認為宣教的對象需要選擇一些準備好的人，那就是社會當中有影響力的人。把福音傳給他們之後，由他們來影響民眾。這樣的策略與當初的景教，利瑪竇，明末清初的天主教士很相似的。 

（3）福音事工需要有預備工作 
李提摩太主張要設立學校，提倡教育，介紹西方科學，這樣就可以為福音做預備的工作。他特別推動辦學校，辦大學。另外，在文字事工上，他在1870年開始全時間投入文字事工。他開始辦《時報》，後來負責廣學會。廣學會有書籍，地圖，相片，期刊，其中還有《萬國公報》和《中西教會報》兩分重要的雜誌。《中西教會報》比較多報道教會的消息，而《萬國公報》就比較多介紹西方科學，民主，政治，法律等等新知識。當時，出版的目的是為了要透過比較有知識與統治階層的人來提高中國人對基督教的認識。因為他認為文字事工接觸最多人，而且又快又有效率。而且文字事工只要把文字散發出去之後，不會引起教案。但是，若宣教士出去與當地人有接觸，很容易引起當地人的反感和衝突。所以李提摩太主張要做文字的工作。 

三，李提摩太的政教關係 

在政教關係上，李提摩太與戴德生的觀點也非常不同。戴德生主張政教分離，而李提摩太主張政教要合一。李提摩太認為應該接著政治來推動宣教的工作。所以他跟政府，跟領導者建立關係，而且他認為我們應該影響中國的政治，社會，法律，讓他們定法律來抱回傳教。或著有利於傳教，傳教合法化等等的想法。戴德生卻認為我們就應該專注在宣教，傳福音的工作上，不要與政府有太多的接觸，要專注深入到民間。

（出處：蘇文峰，“中國教會史 第七課 戴德生與李提摩太的宣教路線“）

History of Chinese people in Sarawak, before 1941

Around 1830s, Chinese people migrated from Sambas and Pontianak in Kalimantan to Gold mines in Bau, Sarawak. They are mostly Hakka people that worked in Bau, Kuching. In 1857, it is reported that around 4,000 Chinese people residing at Bau. They were not intending to cooperate with Brooke government while planning to overthrow James Brooke from his power on Sarawak when James Brooke intervene in their works. They attacked the capital city of Sarawak, Kuching on 18 February 1857 - Bau Revolt 1857 is triggered. However, after the revolt until the dead of James Brooke in 1868, there were many other Chinese people entered into Sarawak. It is because James Brooke realizes that Chinese people are not only miners, farmers and businessmen; there are also contributing to the government revenue through opium and gambling businesses.

In 1871, most of the businesses in Sarawak and Sago processing business are under control of the Chinese. In 1873, a Chamber Business Council is established in Kuching and the Chinese was the main group. However in 1878, Charles Brooke allocated a huge area to the Chinese in pepper plantation. The development indicates the Chinese people still play an importance role in Sarawak economy after the Bau Revolt.

Charles Brooke (1829-1917)

The great migration of Chinese people to Sarawak started in the end of 19th century and early 20th century. Rajah Brooke especially Charles Brooke admired and felt confident with the diligent of Chinese people. He reckons that the Chinese will be able to contribute to the development of Sarawak. Therefore, he encouraged the migration of Chinese people to Sarawak. Charles Brooke has ever mentioned that "The Chinaman would be equal to the master, or whitman, if both worked fairly by sweat of his bow. Without these people a tropical country would remain undeveloped." Besides, he also mentions that "...intellectually the Chinese are our equals, are physically as strong, and I believe, as brave; with surprising industry, energy and activity in commercial enterprises..." Therefore, four groups of Chinese immigrants were introduced by the group migration scheme between 1898 to 1912 by Charles Brooke.

The first group that came to Kuching is Hakka people in 1898. It follows by three groups of Chinese people in Rejang area, Foochow people in 1901, Cantonese people in 1902 and Henghua people in 1912. Charles Brooke signed the agreements with leaders of the particular groups in order to bring the Chinese people to Rehang area for the exploration of farming lands. Besides the Chinese moved in in groups, there is another group of Chinese people that came by themselves to Sarawak to try their luck for a better life. There are Hakka, Foochow, Hokkien, Teochew, Cantonese, Hainan, Henghua, Chaoan, Luichow, Southern Mandarin and Shanghainese. 

Vyner Brooke (1874-1983)

The migration of Chinese people in Sarawak continues by the era of Vyner Brooke. Like Charles Brooke, Vyner Brooke also believes that the Chinese people are needed in the economic development of Sarawak. Even in the mid of 1920s, he encouraged Foochow people to move to Baram, hoping that they will help up with the rubber plantations in that area. However, the migration policy is strengthen especially in the era of economy downturn in 1929 and 1931. Many Chinese people, especially those who are old and physically weak were sent back to Mainland China. The development causes the number of Chinese migrants out getting greater than migrants in to Sarawak. Yen, the situation changes around 1935, and the number of Chinese people moving in exceeded those who moved out.

Table 1 below indicates the Chinese people moved in and out of Kuching and Sibu between 1930-1937. In 1930, there are 9,329 men and 1,351 women moved out, compares to 5,399 men and 1,529 women moving in. In addition, in year 1931, number moving out was greater than number of moving in. There are 6,029 men and 1,564 women moving out compares to 3,155 men and 1,020 women moving out. This is because of the economic downturn. However, the situation changed in 1935, number of Chinese migrants moving in getting greater than number of moving out. In 1935, total of 5,170 Chinese migrants moving out and 8,830 were moving in to Kuching and Sibu. However, in 1936, there are 8,955 migrants moved in while 6,370 moved out. As many as 14,108 Chinese migrants moved in in 1937 compares to 6,982 moved out. This caused by the economy situation of Sarawak as a whole which recovering gradually and attracting many more Chinese people to come to that place.

Table 1 Chinese migrants moving in and out of Kuching and Sibu, 1930-1937

Sources: Sarawak Administration Report, Kuching, 1938, page. 52

The coming of Chinese people in Sarawak changed the demography of the state. Total Chinese people in Sarawak increased dramatically as it indicates in Table 2. In 1871, Sarawak residents amounted at 141,546 with 4,947 Chinese people or at 3.5%. This number increases dramatically and reached 10.8% or at 45,000 people above total 416,000 residents in Sarawak in 1909. Within the next 30 years, total Chinese people even increased to 123,626 people or 25.2% compared to 490,585 residents in Sarawak. Later, total number of Chinese grows to 145,158 people (26.6%) of totaled 546,385 Sarawak residents in 1947 and at 244,435 people (31.5%) of total 776,990 Sarawak residents in 1962.

Table 2: Total Chinese Residents in Sarawak, 1871-1962

Sources: Reports on Population Census 1960, Department of Statistic Malaysia (Sarawak Branch), page 11. See also Vernon L. Porritt, The Rise and Fall of Communism in Sarawak 1940-1990, Victoria, Australia: Monash University Press, 2004, page 2.

However, before 1941, Chinese people were not getting involved in Sarawak politics, conversely their main focus was on the economic opportunities. They were involved in various kind of economic activities; gold mining, rice plantation, vegetables, pepper and rubber, timber and businesses. During the reign of Brooke, Chinese people as migrants and did not give any promise of official role by in the government. In addition, the interest of Chinese people in politics only at the level of the development in Mainland China and not such unimportant thing like some changes in Sarawak. However, in order to protect the interest and welfare of their communities, Chinese people getting active in association activities and social.

Association activities of Chinese people started by the establishment of Kongsi. An influential Kongsi which known as Twelve Company or San-tiao Kou Kongsi was organized around 1830s when the gold mining activity started in Bau, Kuching. This Kongsi plays the role as a management body of affairs among Chinese people in Bau, especially in the mining industry. After the revolt in 1857, that Kongsi ended because the government punished their leaders and members. With that, it exists a blank in the society and that blank was filled by Chinese people by various social organizations like construction of temples, churches, schools and Chines associations.

Chinese people especially Hokkien build temples for worshipping the Gods and praying for protection by God from dangerous or disasters. Building temples also means to fulfill the spiritual needs of the Chinese when they first arrived in a new place. Besides that, temple also plays the role as  a place for giving birth, funeral and marriage. By those occasions, it gives a chance for Chinese people to gather together and build up an intimate relationship. While other Chinese groups involved in building churches. Those who are Christians assume that Church is a place of unity and protection. They also need church as a place to be delighted and releasing stress when they encounter with difficulties in a new place.

Besides that, Chinese people also consider education of their children as an importance matter and schools were established by their own financial supports. Before WWII, Chinese people in Sarawak established schools based on their own dialect groups. In Kuching, for instance, Free Hokkien School is established in 1912 for Hokkien community, Min Tech School is established in 1916 for Teochew community, Yik Kuan School for Cantonese community in 1918, Kong Ming School for Kaying Hakka was build in 1921, Tai Tung School for Taipu Hakka community was build in 1936, Kheng Kiow School for Hainan community was established in 1922 and Chung Hua School for various dialect groups was build in 1937. Besides that, dialect schools in Sibu before war were established by Foochow people. Those schools are Chung Cheng School (1906) and Chung Hua School (1907). In Kanawit, there is also a dialect school, called Khi Ting Primary School for Foochow community which was build in 1919. While, Kai Wen School for Foochow community in Binatang was established in 1922 and Sze Mei School for Foochow community in Sarikei was build in 1925.

According to dialect and district origin, before 1940, few Chinese associations were established. Among them in Kuching, Kong-Wei-Shiu Association (1853), Hokkien Association (1871), Kheng Chew Association (1898), Teochew Association (1914), Foochow Association (1930), Hakka Association (1934) and Chao Ann (1936) were established. However in Sibu, there are Kwang Wai Siew Association (1915), Chiang Chuan Sibu Association (1933), Kheng Chiew Association (1935) Hui Hua Pou Sen Sibu Association (1938) and Hakka Association (1939). Those associations above were established by different districts in Sarawak before the World War II. The association acts as a place for them to gather and discuss about matters related to their communities while building intimate relationship among themselves.

Besides, in order to take care of the economy, Chinese people also established their own organization. Among them, Kongkek was build by Hocking and Teochew leaders as early as in 1876. Kongkek plays the role of managing planting matters of pepper and gambier. This organization also acts as the mediator between farmers and administrators of Brooke government. Other business entities which established in Sarawak are Chinese chamber of commerces. Chinese Chamber of commerces in Kuching were registered on 17 Mei 1930, in Sibu on 7 August 1930, in Baram on 1 May 1929 and in Miri on 9 May 1929, addition to that Hua Ming Business club in Sarikei on 30 May 1930. Before WWII, Chinese Chamber of Commerce served as the connector between Brooke government and Chinese businessmen.

Although Chinese people were not getting involved in Sarawak politics, in 1930s, Chinese people unified and concentrated on politic changes in China. In China, in 1930s, Japanese army conquering Manchuria and started a puppet government which called Manchukou, which at last triggered the China-Japan war in 1937. In this matter, Chinese people in Sarawak actively joined in distributing supports to oppose Japan. They established few organizations, giving financial supports to China to opposed Japan, boycotting Japanese made goods and sending representatives to observe the condition in China. Meanwhile, for the Chinese youths with high spirit preferred to go back to China and joined the army opposing Japanese together. By the China Relief Fund which founded in Kuching and Sibu, Chinese people organized fundraising events and cultural charity performances in order to collect funds for China opposing Japanese. For that, amount of $400,000 was collected and sent back to China through Singapore. However, the situation of Chinese people in Sarawak started to change following by the advance of Japanese army and later Japanese occupation through Sarawak.

(Translated from Ling, Ho Hui "Orang Cina dan Penglibatan dalam Politik di Negeri Sarawak, 1841-1963")